Frederick Forsyth attacks Britain: You committed crimes against Igbo.

Frederick Forsyth
Frederick Forsyth
25th January 2020

Frederick McCarthy Forsyth, the English journalist and author will be 82 this year. He was born on 25 August 1938. At such age when a man is moving closer to his grave or Maker, his conscience becomes sharper, his propensity for remorse greater. He tends to make all crooked ways straight; he confesses his sins or does so vicariously- that is, on behalf of his clan or community or country.

That is exactly what Frederick Forsyth has done, blaming his country, Britain, for its bias against the Igbo during the Nigeria-Biafra war that spanned three years, 1967 to 1970. Another Briton who became contrite was Harold Smith, a colonial officer who admitted that Britain deliberately made the North to dominate the South here in all ramifications, using well choreographed policies of demography, appointments and politics.

Forsyth is a household name in the Commonwealth countries for thrillers such as The Day of the Jackal, The Odessa File, The Fourth Protocol, The Dogs of War, The Devil’s Alternative, The Fist of God, Icon, The Veteran, Avenger, The Afghan, The Cobra The Kill List, The Biafra Story and others.

It was when he covered the war in Nigeria as a BBC correspondent that the bias of Britain became clear to him. He revealed this in a recent article in The Guardian of London: “Buried for 50 years: Britain’s shameful role in the Biafran war.”

It was for this reason that the writer walked away from the BBC, narrating,

“Six months later, in February 1968, fed up with the slavishness of the BBC to Whitehall, I walked out and flew back to west Africa. Ojukwu roared with laughter and allowed me to stay. My condition was that, having rejected British propaganda, I would not publish his either. He agreed.”

In the article, Forsyth reveals the sins of Britain: “I arrived in the Biafra capital of Enugu on the third day of the war. In London I had been copiously briefed by Gerald Watrous, head of the BBC’s West Africa Service. What I did not know was that he was the obedient servant of the government’s Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO), which believed every word of its high commissioner in Lagos, David Hunt. It took two days in Enugu to realise that everything I had been told was utter garbage.

“I had been briefed that the brilliant Nigerian army would suppress the rebellion in two weeks, four at the most. Fortunately the deputy high commissioner in Enugu, Jim Parker, told me what was really happening. It became clear that the rubbish believed by the CRO and the BBC stemmed from our high commissioner in Lagos. A racist and a snob, Hunt expected Africans to leap to attention when he entered the room – which Gowon did. At their single prewar meeting Ojukwu did not. Hunt loathed him at once.

My brief was to report the all-conquering march of the Nigerian army. It did not happen. Naively, I filed this. When my report was broadcast our high commissioner complained to the CRO in London, who passed it on to the BBC – which accused me of pro-rebel bias and recalled me to London.

“What is truly shameful is that this was not done by savages but aided and assisted at every stage by Oxbridge-educated British mandarins. Why? Did they love the corruption-riven, dictator-prone Nigeria? No. From start to finish, it was to cover up that the UK’s assessment of the Nigerian situation was an enormous judgmental screw-up. And, worse: with neutrality and diplomacy from London it could all have been avoided.”

Like Forsyth, Harold Smith, an accomplice confessed (as quoted in thenigerianvoice:

“Despite seeing vast land with no human but cattle in the north, we still gave the north 55 million instead of 32 million. This was to be used to maintain their majority votes and future power bid. The West without Lagos was the most populous in Nigeria at the time but we ignored that. We seriously encouraged the north to go the military. We believed that the south may attend western education, but future leaders will always come from military background. Their traditional rulers were made influential and super human. The northerners were given accelerated promotions both in the military and civil service to justify their superiority over south. Everything was to work against the south. We truncated their good plan for their future. ‘I was very sorry for the A.G.: It was a great party too much for African standard. We planned to destroy Awolowo and Azikiwe well, the west and the east’. And sowed the seed of discord among them. We tricked Azikiwe into accepting to be president having known that Balewa is the main man with power. Awolowo has to go to jail to cripple his genius plans for a greater Nigeria”

Below is Forsyth’s article on the bias of Britain against the Igbo, entitled:

“Buried for 50 years: Britain’s shameful role in the Biafran war.”

By Frederick Forsyth

It is a good thing to be proud of one’s country, and I am – most of the time. But it would be impossible to scan the centuries of Britain’s history without coming across a few incidents that evoke not pride but shame. Among those I would list are the creation by British officialdom in South Africa of the concentration camp, to persecute the families of Boers. Add to that the Amritsar massacre of 1919 and the Hola camps set up and run during the struggle against Mau Mau.

But there is one truly disgusting policy practised by our officialdom during the lifetime of anyone over 50, and one word will suffice: Biafra.

This referred to the civil war in Nigeria that ended 50 years ago this month. It stemmed from the decision of the people of the eastern region of that already riot-racked country to strike for independence as the Republic of Biafra. As I learned when I got there as a BBC correspondent, the Biafrans, mostly of the Igbo people, had their reasons.

The federal government in Lagos was a brutal military dictatorship that came to power in 1966 in a bloodbath. During and following that coup, the northern and western regions were swept by a pogrom in which thousands of resident Igbo were slaughtered. The federal government lifted not a finger to help. It was led by an affable British-educated colonel, Yakubu Gowon. But he was a puppet. The true rulers were a group of northern Nigerian colonels. The crisis deepened, and in early 1967 eastern Nigeria, harbouring about 1.8 million refugees, sought restitution. A British-organised conference was held in Ghana and a concordat agreed. But Gowon, returning home, was flatly contradicted by the colonels, who tore up his terms and reneged on the lot. In April the Eastern Region formally seceded and on 7 July, the federal government declared war.

Biafra was led by the Eastern Region’s Oxford-educated former military governor, “Emeka” Ojukwu. London, ignoring all evidence that it was Lagos that reneged on the deal, denounced the secession, made no attempt to mediate and declared total support for Nigeria.

I arrived in the Biafra capital of Enugu on the third day of the war. In London I had been copiously briefed by Gerald Watrous, head of the BBC’s West Africa Service. What I did not know was that he was the obedient servant of the government’s Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO), which believed every word of its high commissioner in Lagos, David Hunt. It took two days in Enugu to realise that everything I had been told was utter garbage.

I had been briefed that the brilliant Nigerian army would suppress the rebellion in two weeks, four at the most. Fortunately the deputy high commissioner in Enugu, Jim Parker, told me what was really happening. It became clear that the rubbish believed by the CRO and the BBC stemmed from our high commissioner in Lagos. A racist and a snob, Hunt expected Africans to leap to attention when he entered the room – which Gowon did. At their single prewar meeting Ojukwu did not. Hunt loathed him at once.

My brief was to report the all-conquering march of the Nigerian army. It did not happen. Naively, I filed this. When my report was broadcast our high commissioner complained to the CRO in London, who passed it on to the BBC – which accused me of pro-rebel bias and recalled me to London. Six months later, in February 1968, fed up with the slavishness of the BBC to Whitehall, I walked out and flew back to west Africa. Ojukwu roared with laughter and allowed me to stay. My condition was that, having rejected British propaganda, I would not publish his either. He agreed.

But things had changed. British covert interference had become huge. Weapons and ammunition poured in quietly as Whitehall and the Harold Wilson government lied and denied it all. Much enlarged, with fresh weapons and secret advisory teams, the Nigerian army inched across Biafra as the defenders tried to fight back with a few bullets a day. Soviet Ilyushin bombers ranged overhead, dropping 1,000lb bombs on straw villages. But the transformation came in July.

Missionaries had noticed mothers emerging from the deep bush carrying children reduced to living skeletons yet with bloated bellies. Catholic priests recognised the symptoms – kwashiorkor or acute protein deficiency.

That same July the Daily Express cameraman David Cairns ran off a score of rolls of film and took them to London. Back then, the British public had never seen such heartrending images of starved and dying children. When the pictures hit the newsstands the story exploded. There were headlines, questions in the House of Commons, demonstrations, marches.

As the resident guide for foreign news teams I became somewhat overwhelmed. But at last the full secret involvement of the British government started to be exposed and the lies revealed. Wilson came under attack. The story swept Europe then the US. Donations flooded in. The money could buy food – but how to get it there? Around year’s end the extraordinary Joint Church Aid was born.

The World Council of Churches helped to buy some clapped-out freighter aircraft and gained permission from Portugal to use the offshore island São Tomé as a base. Scandinavian pilots and crew, mostly airline pilots, offered to fly without pay. Joint Church Aid was quickly nicknamed Jesus Christ Airlines. And thus came into being the world’s only illegal mercy air bridge.

On a visit to London in spring 1969 I learned the efforts the British establishment will take to cover up its tracks. Every reporter, peer or parliamentarian who had visited Biafra and reported on what he had seen was smeared as a stooge of Biafra – even the utterly honourable John Hunt, leader of the Everest expedition.

Throughout 1969 the relief planes flew through the night, dodging Nigerian MiG fighters, to deliver their life-giving cargoes of reinforced milk powder to a jungle airstrip. From there trucks took the sacks to the missions, the nuns boiled up the nutriments and kept thousands of children alive.

-Read Forsyth‘s full article in the London Guardian

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Heart-Breaking Story Of What The British Did To An Innocent Nation...

Buhari Still Fighting Civil War Against Igbo People – Kanu

Buhari in Army Gear

IPOB –Courtesy Champion Newspapers Limited / Chibundu Peter Anayo 

Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, has accused President Muhammadu Buhari of fighting a war against the Igbo people as if the Nigerian Civil war has not ended.

Kanu alleged that Buhari and his administration were still waging war against the people of the Southeast with their “dehumanising treatment against the Igbo.”

The IPOB leader stated this in a radio broadcast from his base in the United Kingdom.

He, however, maintained that even in the face of the maltreatment of Igbo, “without apologies to anybody or group, we are the best of the best and finest of the finest you can find anywhere in the world. I say this without apologies to anyone or group.”

According to Kanu: “The level of conspiracy, hatred and destruction unleashed on the things cherished by Biafrans by the current administration are unspeakable, unacceptable and uncondonable by any peace-loving section of the country.

“The war against the Igbo has not ended. The current administration in Nigeria is still fighting the war against the Igbo as if the Civil War has not ended.

“If the war of genocide against Biafrans has ended, why are Igweocha, Warri and Calabar seaports not opened? Why is Onitsha River port not functional? If the war has ended, why is there no international airport in the whole of Biafraland?

“If the war has ended, why does the Federal Government still station roadblocks across Biafraland and why are they still militarising Biafraland? Why is the government supporting the herdsmen to rape our old mothers and daughters across Biafraland?

 

 

 

 

 

The deputy leader of IPOB Uche Okafor Mefor Narrated

Uche Okafor Mefor

THERE IS NOTHING TO MARK OR FORGET ON 15 JANUARY : ANY INDIVIDUAL OR GROUP OF PEOPLE CELEBRATING THE END OF THE WAR ON THIS DAY IS A CLASSIC STOCKHOLM SYNDROME CASE

For us BIAFRANS, the war has not yet ended. There is no positive or proactive remembrance of 15th January 1970 in any Biafra calendar. The reason why we remember instead our dead on the 30th of May every year is because of the evil Nigeria represented for on that fateful 15th January 1970.

Anybody from the old Eastern Region of Nigeria (otherwise known as Biafra) celebrating the 50th anniversary of the end of the war on 15th January is either roundly and helplessly ignorant or criminally complicit in the commission and concealing of most unaccounted, horrific and worst atrocious crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity committed against the people of Biafra in modern and if not the entire history of humanity. Such groups of people (knowing what we all know today) are devilish and evil.How can you possibly embark on  the marking of "the end of war" when and where no justice has been done, and the scars and the horrors of the past still live with us today? For us BIAFRANS, the 15th January reminds of a transition from one life of subjugation to another; and a wholesale case of 50 years of hopelessness and abandoned in the Nigerian state. 

Brethrens, in IPOB, we must constantly remind ourselves of the stark reality of our time. We must also take solace in yet another promise of greater freedom and guaranteed future us and generations to come.

What must we do now? All our media outlets must use every opportunity to more than ever before remind, enlighten and educate the world that for us BIAFRANS, the war has just started rather than ended and that the 15th of January 1970 represents sadness, hopelessness and misery in every ramifications made possible by the so-called" instrument of surrender" and the false promise of the "3Rs".

 

 

 

 

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